Many of us in the quilting community want to
provide to quilters, students, teachers, the popular press, quilt shop owners
and authors credible historical information about the Underground Railroad and the code story
described in Hidden in Plain View -
the Secret Story of Quilts and
the Underground Railroad (HIPV).
This is the purpose of this interview . We encourage those
groups mentioned above to discuss, teach, and write about this aspect of
American history, providing equal time and attention to the information
presented here and elsewhere that contradicts the HIPV thesis.
The following interview with historian Giles
R. Wright discusses the UGRR and how his understanding of it differs from the
information presented in HIPV.
Photo from Wright's' pamphlet:
"Steal Away, Steal Away
A Guide to the Underground Railroad
in New Jersey
Used with permission from author.
I have asked questions that
address the issues important to the book's thesis that quilts communicated
messages to slaves seeking freedom via the UGRR. The UGRR was a network of people and places that
assisted southern slaves to escape to free states in the North and Canada prior
to the start of the Civil War in 1861.
used in this interview:
The Underground Railroad, a figurative name for escape routes used by
southern slaves who ran away and headed for states in the North and Canada.
and Stationmasters - UGRR terms. These people provided UGRR fugitives
with food, shelter, money, clothing, and information, thereby facilitating
their escape. A conductor guided fugitive slaves to a UGRR station. A
station master allowed his/her residence to be used as a UGRR station. In
this interview, their names are linked to additional information about their
role on the UGRR and in America's history.
HIPV - The book "Hidden in Plain View - the Secret Story of Quilts and
the Underground Railroad," by Jacqueline Tobin and Raymond Dobard,
Ph.D., Doubleday, 1999.
Quilt Code - Refers to the basic story of HIPV that states that
particular quilt block patterns and tied knot arrangements served as coded
messages that guided UGRR fugitives fleeing Charleston, South Carolina, en
route to Cleveland, Ohio, and then on to Canada. It is briefly described in
this interview for those who have not read the book.
Kim: Let's begin this interview with information about your
background as it pertains to your present interest in the UGRR.
Giles: As a student of the black American
historical experience, I of course over time acquired a general understanding of
the Underground Railroad, what it was and its significance. In early 2000,
however, I began to research the operation of the UGRR in New Jersey. This led
me to deepen my understanding of the UGRR, both nationally and in New Jersey.
Kim: The existence and purpose of the UGRR
is an accepted fact by all American historians, correct?
Giles: I know of no American historian who
disputes the existence of the Underground Railroad. The documentation for its
existence is overwhelming at so many levels. For example, one can refer to the
oral traditions found in many local communities, or the biographies and
autobiographies of UGRR operatives, or such classic early UGRR studies as William
Still's The Underground Railroad, published in 1872, and
Underground Railroad: From Slavery to Freedom, published in 1898, or the
1850 Fugitive Slave Act, which sought to thwart the UGRR's operation.
Kim: What were the years the UGRR was in
operation and what geographic regions were included in it?
Giles: While from the outset American
slaves used running away as a form of resistance to their bondage, the UGRR,
which continued this tradition, operated roughly between 1830 and 1861. Given
its name, we know that it begins after the introduction of trains in this country, which
occurs around 1829; it stops basically with the outbreak of the Civil War in
1861. UGRR stations were concentrated mainly in the North, covering New England,
the Mid-Atlantic states, and states of the mid-West such as Ohio, Illinois,
Michigan, Indiana, Wisconsin, and Iowa. The border states were also part of the
UGRR. Delaware had a well-organized UGRR network; Thomas Garrett was its
most celebrated operative. Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, the other border
states, had fewer UGRR stations. The slave states of Virginia and North Carolina
had even fewer UGRR operatives. Finally, it should be noted that the UGRR also
operated in Kansas, where a bloody struggle occurred between proslavery and
antislavery forces, most of the former coming in from neighboring Missouri. This
struggle resulted from the 1854 Kansas-Nebraska Act. This law repealed the
Missouri Compromise of 1820, which had restricted slavery to certain areas, and
introduced the doctrine of "popular sovereignty," which said in effect
that states carved out of the Great Plains territory were to each decide through
popular vote whether they would be slave or free as they entered the union. The
legendary John Brown participated in the fight in Kansas over the issue
Kim: When did the secret network
consisting of anti-slavery people or abolitionists, known as conductors and
station masters who operated safe houses and directed slaves, become known as
Giles: It is difficult to say precisely
when and where the term "Underground Railroad" was first used, as well
and where the terms associated with the UGRR like "conductor" and
"station master" first came into being. In all probability these terms
surfaced sometime during the 1830s.
Kim: Is there historical record of UGRR
routes and methods?
Giles: There is indeed documentation
regarding UGRR routes and how the network was operated. In the aforementioned
book by Siebert one can find such documentation.
Kim: How did individual slaves decide
when, where, and how to escape on the UGRR to freedom?
Giles: Decisions by slaves to abscond and
head north to freedom varied considerably. Sometimes such decisions were made
well in advance of the actual flight by the runaways. Sometimes the decision to
flee was made on the spur of the moment, occasioned by an unexpected turn of
events. For example, a slave might strike his owner in responding to punishment
and decide he has to run away to avoid additional punishment. Or he might learn
that his owner is away on business and decide that the absence of his owner made
for a convenient time to flee.
Kim: Did slaves escape without the help of
the routes established by the UGRR?
Giles: Some slaves ran away not knowing of
the UGRR. Others did know. Runaways were assisted in the South for the most part
by fellow slaves and free blacks. Once they reached the northern states, they
were assisted by the UGRR network.
Kim: Did the slaves travel during the day
or night? How did they know if a house was safe?
Giles: Runaway slaves generally traveled
at night. Many made use of the North Star. A conductor could lead the runaways
to an UGRR station or others involved with the UGRR could tell them about the
existence of such a place. Sometimes safe houses were marked or identified in
particular ways. For example, in Ann Hagedorn's Beyond the River: The Untold
Story of the Heroes of the Underground Railroad, published in 2002, one finds a
reference to the manner in which the famed station master Rev. John Rankin of Ripley,
Ohio, identified his house as a UGRR station. He used a lantern in a front
window. Since his house was located high on a hill overlooking the Ohio River,
which separates Ohio from Kentucky, the lantern could be seen by runaways along
the Kentucky shore.
UGRR and Quilts with secret codes for
Kim: Previous to the publication of HIPV,
had you ever read or heard about the concept of quilts having a secret code,
known only to slaves, imbedded in their colors, patterns, knots or stitches,
with information about escaping on the UGRR? Have you read or heard any
information that supports this particular idea since the publication?
Giles: Prior to HIPV's publication, I had
never heard of quilts being used by slaves to send coded messages to prospective
UGRR runaways. And since HIPV's publication, I have come across nothing that
supports the thesis put forth in this book.
Kim: What percentage of historians and
professors of black American history do you estimate believe that quilts were
used as symbols for escape information to slaves on the UGRR?
Giles: This question is difficult to
answer. I would have no way of knowing what those teaching African American
history as a group think about the argument found in HIPV. What I can say is
that I have discussed this book with my friends who are historians-my
colleagues. Not one accepts its argument. Let me add that I think it would be
hard for any historian to support HIPV simply because it offers no adequate
documentation for its claim that quilts were used to convey coded messages to
UGRR fugitives. Historians operate on the basis of documentation. If you assert
something is true, then you have to offer compelling evidence or proof for what
is asserted. It's as simple as that.
Kim: To your knowledge, has one *thesis of
HIPV and/or the ensuing controversy been discussed at any professional conferences you have attended,
before or after the publication of HIPV in 1999? If so, who spoke to it, what was
discussed, and what conclusions, if any, were drawn? ( *The thesis - that
quilt patterns, knots, colors or stitches were used as mnemonic devices or
Giles: I know of no history conference
where HIPV has been discussed.
"The Quilt Code" introduced in
the book Hidden in Plain View
Kim: It has been about three years since
your presentation to the Camden County Historical Society. You were asked to
lecture about the UGRR and how its history agrees with or differs from the
thesis put forth in HIPV, which discusses slaves from Charleston, South
Carolina, fleeing to Canada.
For those who may not have read the book by
Jacqueline Tobin and Raymond Dobard, Ph.D., I will briefly summarize the quilt
code they write about in HIPV. To do so, I quote from from a book
review written by Angela Dodson for Essence Magazine in February 1999, and HIPV.
Angela Dodson in her review, summarizes Ozella McDaniel
Williams's description of a secret quilt code called "the Charleston
code." The code of the quilts "relied on an arrangement of symbols and mnemonic [or
memory] devices to describe and map out an escape route. The authors believe
that if an escape was planned, quilts using the Charleston code were hung on a
line in succession to describe a route all the way to Canada." There were
ten different designs and ten different quilts, with a "specific pattern of
knots" used in the code. "The first quilt in the code, 'the monkey
wrench,' was a signal for the would-be escapes" to gather the tools they
would need for their escape. "Tumbling blocks or tumbling boxes (boxes for
packing up) told them it was time to go." This was the last quilt design a
slave would see hanging on a line. Slaves could see all ten" full size
quilts" hanging on lines, giving them the opportunity to be told what to
do, where, when and how, and plenty of time to "memorize and carry out the
instructions. Each quilt was possibly left out until all those who were making
the trip could finish the necessary preparations." Then another quilt in
the sequence was hung, followed by another, until all ten had been displayed,
Since the book's publication, most attention and
discussion is about the quilt block patterns than the knots and their placement
in the quilt. In the Essence review and HIPV, the knots are discussed in some
detail. Angela Dodson writes "The 'grid' of stitches, twine knots two
inches apart on the quilts, may have acted as a map with a scale correlating to
known distances between safe houses up north. The number of knots also had
meaning, increasing from one on the first quilt to five on the final quilts.
Five knots, in all likelihood, signaled that it was time for the slaves to
escape." Ozella Williams, in HIPV, tells the reader that the knots were
likely made of hemp, because it would be easier to see.
Tobin and Dobard write "The utilitarian or
plain quilts would have been the ideal quilt to use, because the quilting thread
was most likely a strong heavy thread." They suggest that plain or
utilitarian quilts, rather than "fancy geometric patterns" were the
ideal quilts to use as messengers. Doesn't this directly contradict their theory
that ten fancy geometric patterns were used as symbols of the code: bear's paw,
drunkard's path, shoofly, monkey wrench, crossroads, bowtie, wagon wheel, flying
geese, double wedding ring, and log cabin? (Coincidently, the presence of these
geometric quilt block patterns, in any pre-Civil War quilts, have yet to be
documented by anyone.)
Giles, from your viewpoint as an historian, not a
quilter, what in the code story rings true or false and why?
Giles: I am not equipped to comment on the
validity or accuracy of the information put forth in HIPV that pertains to the
history of quilts. I leave that to quilt historians. What I will do, however, is
offer an additional criticism of the book, a point not made in my initial
critique. I am prepared to offer new criticisms of HIPV. I will limit myself to
one for this interview. It has to do with the quilts as mnemonic devices.
First of all, mnemonic devices are used to effect
recall, to jar one's memory. They are used to learn or memorize a body of
information and then used later to recall such information. The process
involving mnemonic devices is therefore two-fold: an initial stage of
memorization and a later stage of recalling that which was memorized initially.
Thus, for the quilts to be used properly as mnemonic devices for guiding
fugitive slaves it would be necessary to set the quilts apart at intervals along
the Charleston-Cleveland journey. In this way, if the runaway slaves forgot a
code that was learned initially in Charleston, seeing the quilts again along the
journey-as mnemonic devices-would jar their memory. But this differs from the
manner in which the HIPV suggests the quilts were used as mnemonic devices. HIPV
says the quilts were first hung on fences in Charleston, then the slaves learned
the coded message from each quilt when it was hung (presumably over a period of
time), and then finally, once all of the quilts had been hung and the coded
messages learned, the slaves ran away. HIPV therefore suggests that the mnemonic
devices in this case-the quilts-were seen once, memorized, and never seen again.
This is a very strange and odd way to use mnemonic devices; it defies the
logical two-fold process that governs their use. For example, what happened if
the runaways forgot the code 50 miles, 100 miles, 200 miles or 400 miles on the
way to Cleveland from Charleston? They would find nothing between the two cities
to jar their memory of what had been learned or memorized.
Current Thinking about the UGRR and the
Secret Quilt Code
Kim: Tell us what you have learned since
writing Steal Away, Steal Away: A Guide to the Underground Railroad in New
Jersey, published in 2002.
Giles: Historians, through new and fresh
research efforts, are constantly revising how the past should be viewed and
understood. As an example of this point, I have in mind three biographies of
that have been published recently. They are Harriet
Tubman: The Life and
the Life Stories, by Jean M. Humez; Bound for the Promised Land: Harriet
Tubman, Portrait of an American Hero, by Kate Clifford Larson; and Harriet
Tubman: The Road to Freedom, by Catherine Clinton. I have read these books
and through them I have a much better sense of Tubman, who she was an
individual, and her life and times. Her friendships with such UGRR operatives as
William Still and Lucretia Mott
and the famed abolitionist Sojourner
Truth are explored. Also, some of what we have believed about Tubman, for
example, that she rescued about 300 slaves, appears to be untrue; the number of
persons she guided to freedom seems to be smaller. Moreover, from these studies
we learn that Tubman was a quilter. She took one of her prized quilts along when
she ran away and gave it to a white lady who assisted her during the first leg
of her journey.
Let me add that these books do not address the
claim set forth in HIPV. Clinton's book in its Preface, however, does
note the following:
|For the most part, the life of Harriet
Tubman has been confined to the storybook world of "following the
drinking gourd" and freedom quilts. These accounts are more
folkloric than analytical, more riddled with inaccuracies than concerned
with historical facts.
Kim: There is a block named
"crossroads" in HIPV's code. It offers the town of Cleveland, Ohio, as
a place where important UGRR routes converged. Housing, food, and help were
available there. Would slaves fleeing for their lives and freedom head west to
Cleveland from the coastal town of Charleston, South Carolina, which included
walking over the Appalachian Mountains? Was there another "crossroads"
of significance located along the eastern routes taking the slaves directly
north to avoid mountain terrain?
Giles: I questioned the existence of a
Charleston-Cleveland UGRR route in my critique of HIPV. I have never seen, nor
do I know of anyone who has seen, an Underground Railroad map showing a
connection between Charleston and Cleveland. I don't think such a map exists. In
fact, the most important map in Siebert's book-the map is titled,
"Underground Routes to Canada, Showing the Lines of Travel of Fugitive
Slaves," shows no route coming out of the South crossing the Appalachian
Mountains and leading into Cleveland. And Siebert's map is perhaps the first
published map ever to show UGRR routes as they existed on a national scale. I'd
like the co-authors of HIPV to produce a UGRR map showing a Charleston-Cleveland
route. Even the UGRR map in HIPV shows no such connection. Moreover, I think
HIPV overstates the importance of Cleveland as a center of UGRR activity. There
is not even a well-known UGRR operative associated with Cleveland. Cities such
as Cincinnati, Detroit, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Wilmington, Delaware, Buffalo, and
New York City are mentioned more often in the UGRR literature. And some of these
cities, for example Philadelphia, were places where UGRR routes converged as
they did in Cleveland. I therefore think the term "crossroads" should
not apply to these cities, since it suggests movement or traffic in a kind of
crisscross manner or pattern, which was not the case.
Kim: In the time preceding the Civil War,
there were black people who betrayed the trust of those engaged in antislavery
activities, including the UGRR. For example, they would inform on some of
the courageous abolitionists who served as station masters and conductors. This
being the case, why wouldn't they be able to learn about the quilt code and then
work to negate or undermine its use?
Giles: I believe there are many questions
that can be raised, or have been raised, about the alleged coded quilts being
detected by those unsympathetic to black freedom. I don't think the co-authors
have addressed such questions. I think the strong possibility of detection
seriously adds to the implausibility of HIPV's quilt code.
Kim: Assuming, for the sake of this
interview, the code story is true, it occurs to me that slave owners would
not see these messages as a threat, since most of the ideas conveyed were of a very
simple nature, containing insignificant information. For example, the code
states that when the fifth knot on the tenth quilt was displayed the slaves were
to leave. In the code, each of the ten quilts were hung sequentially on a line for some
time, so figuring out when a slave would leave would be possible to perceive by anyone
knowing the code. It seems unrealistic that no slave would actually leave until the fifth knot, on the
tenth quilt was displayed. How safe would they be to leave at the sight of that
knot rather than at an undetermined private time.
Another example of the naiveté associated with
this code is the symbolism attributed to a block pattern called "drunkard's
path." The symbolism tells the slaves to run in a zigzag rather than a
straight line. In my opinion, this insults the intelligence of the slaves. To
run in a continuous zigzag pattern would waste their time and energy. Naturally,
a runaway would walk, run or hide in the safest way under the circumstances at
the time. Equally as insulting is the idea that slaves would have to be told to
use the North star to help them navigate at night, as certainly they knew this
already. Two other blocks, "shoofly" and "bowtie" instructed
slaves to dress up in cotton and wear a bowtie before leaving. I wonder how many
slaves had a closet of clothes to choose from?
Giles: I agree that what you have cited
makes little sense. Also, regarding the point about walking in a zigzag manner,
what about runaways who used other modes of transportation, for example, horses,
wagons, boats, and trains.
Kim: What are your thoughts on the
symbolism ascribed to the quilt patterns? Don't these appear demeaning and
Giles: I'll comment on this by saying that
UGRR fugitives seemingly possessed a disproportionately high degree of
intellect. Some in fact later wrote "slave narratives." These accounts
of their lives as slaves were published. Perhaps the best known of such
narratives was that of Frederick
Douglass. His story was published initially in 1845 under the title of Narrative
of the Life of Frederick Douglass.
Kim: Have you been contacted by Ms. Tobin
or Dr. Dobard or have you tried to contact them, and if so, what happened?
Giles: I have not attempted to contact
Tobin or Dobard. And I have not received personally any direct response from
them regarding my critique of HIPV, preventing the kind of discourse that
normally occurs when scholars hold opposing views on a subject. I don't believe
Tobin and Dobard have responded anywhere to any of my criticisms of their work
as outlined in my critique. While I think this is unfortunate, given HIPV's
serious weaknesses and flaws, I can really understand their reluctance to
address the points raised in my critique. In fact, I don't think they can
adequately refute my charges. For example, you certainly can't argue the
existence of a Charleston-Cleveland migration route for black people at anytime
in our history. I should point out, however, that what Tobin has done is to
engage in a kind of an ad hominem attack, asserting that I had been prompted by
others to prepare my critique of HIPV, and simultaneously injecting the matter
of race into the debate over HIPV. Here I refer to a conversation Tobin had with
a reporter last year during which she claimed that the only people who had
questioned HIPV were "angry white quilters." When my name was offered
as a critic who obviously didn't fit this category, she responded by saying that
these "angry white quilters" prompted me to write my critique. Nothing
could be further from the truth. My critique was prepared in 2000 as a handout
for New Jersey audiences attending my lectures on the UGRR. At one such lecture,
given in 2001 in Camden, New Jersey, for the Camden County Historical Society, a
person in the audience received my handout and subsequently, with my permission,
posted it on the society's Web site, allowing it to be read by a much wider
audience. In fact, I believe that it was through this Web site that you-Kim-came
across my critique and shortly thereafter
initiated contact with me. I find
Tobin's charge that some white quilters persuaded me to criticize HIPV wholly
consistent with her practice, as evidenced in HIPV, of making unverifiable
claims and assertions.
Kim: Is there anything else you would like
to share with this audience?
Giles: Yes there is. And here I would like
to level most of my criticism at Tobin, for it was she who received the secret
code from Ozella McDaniel Williams and bears the major responsibility for
putting it forth in the form of HIPV. In so doing, I feel that she has evidenced
little respect for the study of the African American past. By this I mean that
her treatment of Williams's story-her uncritical acceptance of it, is in a way
offensive and insulting to all who take black history seriously, who believe you
have to be properly trained to write a book or essay in this field. Tobin is
bereft of training in African American history; teaching Women's Studies hardly
qualifies her to write about the Underground Railroad. Since Tobin lacked
expertise in the field of black history, she clearly lacked the capacity to
adequately assess or evaluate the authenticity of the oral testimony she had
received from Williams. Tobin therefore would have been better served by turning
to historians expert in black history for counsel on the plausibility of the folklore received
from Williams. Implicit in her failure to do this must be her thinking that
anyone, whether possessing the proper credentials in African American history or
not, can write about this discipline. Would she have treated any other people's
history in such a way? The degree of hubris she has shown is astounding.
I feel strongly that Tobin and Dobard should
cease dishonoring the precious heritage of the Underground Railroad and
acknowledge that their claim-that Charleston slaves were induced by quilts with
coded messages to runaway and head for Cleveland-is simply untenable. That the
story offered in HIPV is untrue is grounded in the fact that it is in so many
ways illogical, some of these ways having been identified by me.
Kim: Are there any well researched books
you can recommend to students, the press or authors, who are seeking more
Giles: I would suggest a reading of the
three new biographies of Tubman that I mentioned earlier.
Kim: Thank you Giles for taking time with
me to reflect again on a controversy that, while taking place primarily within
the quilt community, certainly affects the credibility of the legacy of slavery
and the UGRR in America's history.
welcome to this Web site a response or statement from Jacqueline Tobin or
Raymond Dobard regarding this interview. Their statement or response will not be
edited or altered in any way. I also welcome any documented information about
the use of a quilt pattern code or the use of knots and stitches to send
messages to UGRR fugitives. Further, any factual information about the quilt
block patterns named in the code being in existence in America during the
antebellum period, as evidenced in such images as paintings or photographs, or
described in diaries or books written at that time, are sought. Images of
quilts, made during this time period, using the block patterns described, will be put on-line if possible. To date, none have surfaced to my knowledge. Please contact me
if you have a submission.
Those of us in the field of quilt study want to know everything
there is to know about quilt history. When compared to the study of American
history, the study and research into quilt history is a blip on the screen. It
has been difficult to glean facts, records and writings concerning women in the
popular history. Digging into diaries, letters, town records, family Bibles and
other personal records have brought much to light about the part women and their
needlework played in American history. Quilts have spoken to us in
their own way. In this, women and African-Americans have a lot in common. In
fact, Sojourner Truth was the first to point out this connection.
in this quest for knowledge is information regarding how the history of
quilts has intersected with the history of the African American community.
Giles and I call upon all of you with shared concerns and interests to join
us in discovering more about the nature of this intersection. In our discovery
efforts, however, we must ensure that our work is informed by a commitment to
accuracy and historical truth. The legacy of those quilters who have preceded us
demands no less.
Why don't we walk the road together, helping
each other to discover our past?
New Pathways into Quilt History written by Kimberly Wulfert, Copyright 2004 Kimberly Wulfert, PhD All
Rights Reserved. No copies, reprinting, or use of any parts of this interview
can be made, used, or excerpted without written consent from the author.
use -- www.antiquequiltdating.com/ugrrwrightinterview.html -- for linking to or emailing
Other UGRR pages on my site:
- Bound for Canaan: The
Underground Railroad and the War for the Soul of America
- "The Use of Quilts as Messengers on the
- Giles R. Wright Critique of HIPV